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Youngs Literal Translation
King James Version
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THE REFORMED DOCTRINE
OF PREDESTINATION
Loraine Boettner
Chapter
XXVIII ( 02 of 11 )
Calvinism In History
Appendix Index of Subjects Index of Authors Bibliography
THE REFORMATION
The Reformation was essentially a revival of
Augustinianism and through it evangelical Christianity again came into its
own. It is to be remembered that Luther, the first leader in the Reformation,
was an Augustinian monk and that it was from this rigorous theology that he
formulated his great principle of justification by faith alone. Luther,
Calvin, Zwingli and all the other outstanding reformers of that period were
thorough-going predestinarians. In his work, "The Bondage of the Will," Luther
stated the doctrine as emphatically and in a form quite as extreme as can be
found among any of the reformed theologians. Melanchthon in his earlier
writings designated the principle of Predestination as the fundamental
principle of Christianity. He later modified this position, however, and
brought in a kind of "synergism" in which God and man were
supposed to co-operate in the process of salvation. The position taken by
the early Lutheran Church was gradually modified. Later Lutherans let go the
doctrine altogether, denounced it in its Calvinistic form, and came to hold a
doctrine of universal grace and universal atonement, which doctrine has since
become the accepted doctrine of the Lutheran Church. In regard to this
doctrine Luther's position in the Lutheran Church is similar to that of
Augustine in the Roman Catholic Church, — that is, he is a heretic of such
unimpeachable authority that he is more admired than censured.
To a great extent Calvin built upon the
foundation which Luther laid. His clearer insight into the basic principles of
the Reformation enabled him to work them out more fully and to apply them more
broadly. And it may be further pointed out that Luther stressed salvation by
faith and that his fundamental principle was more or less subjective and
anthropological, while Calvin stressed the principle of the sovereignty of
God, and developed a principle which was more objective and theological.
Lutheranism was more the religion of a man who after a long and painful search
had found salvation and who was content simply to bask in the sunshine of
God's presence, while Calvinism, not content to stop there, pressed on to ask
how and why God had saved man.
"The Lutheran congregations," says Froude,
"were but half emancipated from superstition, and shrank from pressing the
struggle to extremes; and half measures meant half-heartedness, convictions
which were half convictions, and truth with an alloy of falsehood. Half
measures, however, could not quench the bonfires of Philip of Spain or raise
men in France or Scotland who would meet crest to crest the princes of the
house of Lorraine. The Reformers required a position more sharply defined and
a sterner leader, and that leader they found in John Calvin . . . For hard
times hard men are needed, and intellects which can pierce to the roots where
truth and lies part company. It fares ill with the soldiers of religion when
'the accursed thing' is in the camp. And this is to be said of Calvin, that so
far as the state of knowledge permitted, no eye could have detected more
keenly the unsound spots in the creed of the Church, nor was there a Reformer
in Europe so resolute to exercise, tear out and destroy what was distinctly
seen to be false — so resolute to establish what was true in its place, and
make truth, to the last fibre of it, the rule of practical life."1
This is the testimony of the famous
historian from Oxford University. Froude's writings make it plain that he had
no particular love for Calvinism; and in fact he is often called a critic of
Calvinism. These words just quoted simply express the impartial conclusions of
a great scholar who looks at the system and the man whose name it bears from
the vantage ground of learned investigation.
In another connection Froude says: "The
Calvinists have been called intolerant. Intolerance of an enemy who is trying
to kill you seems to me a pardonable state of mind . . . The Catholics chose
to add to their already incredible creed a fresh article, that they were
entitled to hang and burn those who differed from them; and in this quarrel
the Calvinists, Bible in hand, appealed to the God of battles. They grew
harsher, fiercer, — if you please, more fanatical. It was extremely natural
that they should. They dwelt, as pious men are apt to dwell in suffering and
sorrow, on the all-disposing power of Providence. Their burden grew lighter as
they considered that God had so determined that they must bear it. But they
attracted to their ranks almost every man in Western Europe that 'hated a
lie.' They were crushed down, but they rose again. They were splintered and
torn, but no power could bend or melt them. They abhorred as no body of men
ever more abhorred all conscious mendacity, all impurity, all moral wrong of
every kind so far as they could recognize it. Whatever exists at this moment
in England and Scotland of conscious fear of doing evil is the remnant of the
convictions which were branded by the Calvinists into the people's hearts.
Though they failed to destroy Romanism, though it survives and may survive
long as an opinion, they drew its fangs; they forced it to abandon that
detestable principle, that it was entitled to murder those who dissented from
it. Nay, it may be said that by having shamed Romanism out of its practical
corruption the Calvinists enabled it to revive."2
At the time of the Reformation the Lutheran
Church did not make such a complete break with the Catholic Church as did the
Reformed. In fact some Lutherans point out with pride that Lutheranism was a
"moderate Reformation." While all protestants appealed to the Bible as a final
authority, the tendency in Lutheranism was to keep as much of the old system
as did not have to be thrown out, while the tendency in the Reformed Church
was to throw out all that did not have to be kept. And in regard to the
relationship which existed between the Church and the State, the Lutherans
were content to allow the local princes great influence in the Church or even
to allow them to determine the religion within their bounds — a tendency
leading toward the establishment of a State Church — while the Reformed soon
came to demand complete separation between Church and State.
As stated before, the Reformation was
essentially a revival of Augustinianism. The early Lutheran and Reformed
Churches held the same views in regard to Original Sin, Election, Efficacious
Grace, Perseverance, etc. This, then, was the true Protestantism. "The
principle of Absolute Predestination," says Hastie, "was the very
Hercules-might of the young Reformation, by which no less in Germany than
elsewhere, it strangled the serpents of superstition and idolatry; and when it
lost its energy in its first home, it still continued to be the very marrow
and backbone of the faith in the Reformed Church, and the power that carried
it victoriously through all its struggles and trials."3 "It is a
fact that speaks volumes for Calvinism," says Rice, "that the most glorious
revolution recorded in the history of the Church and of the world, since the
days of the Apostles, was effected by the blessings of God upon its
doctrines."4 Needless to say, Arminianism as a system was unknown
in Reformation times; and not until 1784, some 260 years later, was it
championed by an organized church. As in the fifth century there had been two
contending systems, known as Augustinianism and Pelagianism, with the later
rise of the compromised system of Semi-Pelagianism, so at the Reformation
there were two systems, Protestantism and Roman Catholicism, with the later
rise of Arminianism, or what we might call Semi-Protestantism. In each case
there were two strongly opposite systems with the subsequent rise of a
compromised system.
Footnotes:
1Calvinism,
p. 42.
2Calvinism, p. 44.
3History of the Reformation, p. 224.
4God Sovereign and Man Free, p. 14.
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